1950-2014 : toujours les mêmes bidonvilles | Mediapart

On the 12th of February, Mediapart visited the Bobigny camp where Mélissa, 8 years old, died because of a fire. The pictures the authors took reminded them of those taken in the 50’s in the slums of Nanterre and Saint-Denis. After researching through the archives, they compared the photos from yesterday and those from today. In nearly 50 years, few things changed, except that we don’t say slum anymore, but camp.

Le 12 février, Mediapart se rendait sur les lieux de l’incendie du camp de Bobigny où Mélissa, 8 ans, est décédée. En regardant les photos, nous sont revenues en mémoire celles prises dans les années 1950 dans les bidonvilles de Nanterre ou Saint-Denis. À l’issue d’une recherche d’archives, voici le face-à-face entre images d’hier et d’aujourd’hui. En près de 50 ans, bien peu de choses ont changé, si ce n’est qu’on ne dit plus bidonville, mais camp.

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posted il y a 3 mois
La noirceur du petit ramoneur | Déjà vu

I’m quite sorry, the article is in French (and far too long for me to translate or summarize), but it focuses on the figure of the “young chimney sweep” and its possible link with racism (how the trope of the young chimney sweep could be influenced by the racist representations of Black people in the 18th and 19th century). The article mentions the situation in the US and in the UK but is mostly centered about France.

There’s a possibility to translate the article, but it’s with Google translate.

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posted il y a 7 mois

Le défilé de la Marche pour l’Egalité et contre le Racisme, 25 février 1983.

In the summer of 1981, riots happened in the district of Les Minguettes in Vénissieux, a suburb city of Lyon, with many burned cars as a protest. Widely reported in the media, it was the first trouble of this scale in a French suburb, and the first time cars were burned as a protest in France. In 1983, France was experiencing a wave of racist crime against people from Maghreb and African immigration (for example, the murder of Habib Grimzi, stabbed in a train and then defenestrated, a crime committed by three army soldiers with racist motivations). On March 21, 1983, a police raid caused harsh confrontations between young people of Les Minguettes and the police. In order to demand the end of police intimidation, young people of Les Minguettes began a hunger strike. On June 21, 1983, during a police raid, a police officer shot Toumi Djaïdja, the young president of the association SOS Avenir Minguettes (SOS Minguettes’ Future), and he was seriously injured. As a response, instead of amplifying the tension between the police and the young people of Les Minguettes, the idea of a nonviolent march emerged. The priest Christian Delorme (called Minguettes’ priest, in French: Curé des Minguettes) and the pastor Jean Costil, decided with the young people of Les Minguettes to do a long non-violent march, inspired by the march of the Reverend Martin Luther King to call for the end of segregation in the United States and Mahatma Gandhi for Indian independence from the United Kingdom. Their first demand was equal rights, the end of injustice and social inequality (the fact they didn’t belong to the immigrant population was criticised by other actors of the march). 
In 1983, during the Dreux’s local election, the National Front (French: Front National (FN)) won the first round of the elections, with 16.72% of votes. So far, the National Front was electorally marginal (only 0.35% of votes during the legislative election of 1981). For the second round, the list of the political party of Jacques Chirac, the Rally for the Republic (French: Rassemblement Pour la République (RPR)) decided to merge with the FN list. This merger was approved by Jacques Chirac, who declared: “I would not have been embarrassed at all to vote for the RPR-FN list for the second round. It does not matter to have four municipal councillors from the FN in Dreux, compared to the four communist Ministers in the Council of Ministers”. In the right-wing parties, only two leaders disagreed with this alliance: Simone Veil and Bernard Stasi, both from the centre-right Union for French Democracy (French: Union pour la Démocratie française, UDF), a traditional ally of RPR. These elections made the news at this time, as it was the first time a far-right political party won a significant election in France since the beginning of the French Fifth Republic, and also the first time that a major right-wing party made an alliance with a far-right party.
While there is a racist climate in the right-wing parties, a similar stigmatizing climate was experienced in the left-wing parties, especially in the Socialist Party (French: Parti Socialiste (PS)) who governed the country. In 1983, the Socialist Prime Minister of France Pierre Mauroy, the Minister of the Interior Gaston Defferre, and the Minister of Labour Jean Auroux said about the strikers of the CGT’s syndicate from the factory of Renault-Billancourt, that they are mainly “immigrants workers”, and accused them of being manipulated by “integrists”. Prime Minister Pierre Mauroy also declared that the strikers from Renault “are agitated by religious and political group which behave according to criteria that have nothing to do with the French social reality”. The Franco-Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad wrote that “we underestimate how much immigrants workers suffered from the tense atmosphere in work and which painfully affected them”.
The first march began in the district of La Cayolle in Marseille, October 15, 1983. Only seventeen persons started the march (nine from Les Minguettes) in a virtual indifference. During the march, more and more marchers joined them. Arriving in the city of Salon-de-Provence, one single person welcomed the marchers, but when arriving in Lyon and Vénissieux during the 15th day (October 29), a thousand of people welcomed the group. At Grenoble, October 31, 1983, 32 persons constituted the permanent marchers’ group. The 36th day in Strasbourg, they are joined for one day by the Secretary of State delegated to family, to population and immigrants workers issues. The movement was growing more and more. When finally arriving in Paris, the march lasted exactly 50 days, and permanent marchers marched 1500 km. On December 3, 1983, the march ended with a demonstration in Paris, attended by more than 100,000 people. A delegation was received by the President of the French Republic François Mitterrand. Mitterrand promised a residence and working permit valid for 10 years, a law against racist crimes and a project concerning voting right for foreigners for local elections. This last point, which was already a proposition of Mitterrand’s during the presidential election, never came true.

Le défilé de la Marche pour l’Egalité et contre le Racisme, 25 février 1983.

In the summer of 1981, riots happened in the district of Les Minguettes in Vénissieux, a suburb city of Lyon, with many burned cars as a protest. Widely reported in the media, it was the first trouble of this scale in a French suburb, and the first time cars were burned as a protest in France. In 1983, France was experiencing a wave of racist crime against people from Maghreb and African immigration (for example, the murder of Habib Grimzi, stabbed in a train and then defenestrated, a crime committed by three army soldiers with racist motivations). On March 21, 1983, a police raid caused harsh confrontations between young people of Les Minguettes and the police. In order to demand the end of police intimidation, young people of Les Minguettes began a hunger strike. On June 21, 1983, during a police raid, a police officer shot Toumi Djaïdja, the young president of the association SOS Avenir Minguettes (SOS Minguettes’ Future), and he was seriously injured. As a response, instead of amplifying the tension between the police and the young people of Les Minguettes, the idea of a nonviolent march emerged. The priest Christian Delorme (called Minguettes’ priest, in French: Curé des Minguettes) and the pastor Jean Costil, decided with the young people of Les Minguettes to do a long non-violent march, inspired by the march of the Reverend Martin Luther King to call for the end of segregation in the United States and Mahatma Gandhi for Indian independence from the United Kingdom. Their first demand was equal rights, the end of injustice and social inequality (the fact they didn’t belong to the immigrant population was criticised by other actors of the march). 

In 1983, during the Dreux’s local election, the National Front (French: Front National (FN)) won the first round of the elections, with 16.72% of votes. So far, the National Front was electorally marginal (only 0.35% of votes during the legislative election of 1981). For the second round, the list of the political party of Jacques Chirac, the Rally for the Republic (French: Rassemblement Pour la République (RPR)) decided to merge with the FN list. This merger was approved by Jacques Chirac, who declared: “I would not have been embarrassed at all to vote for the RPR-FN list for the second round. It does not matter to have four municipal councillors from the FN in Dreux, compared to the four communist Ministers in the Council of Ministers”. In the right-wing parties, only two leaders disagreed with this alliance: Simone Veil and Bernard Stasi, both from the centre-right Union for French Democracy (French: Union pour la Démocratie française, UDF), a traditional ally of RPR. These elections made the news at this time, as it was the first time a far-right political party won a significant election in France since the beginning of the French Fifth Republic, and also the first time that a major right-wing party made an alliance with a far-right party.

While there is a racist climate in the right-wing parties, a similar stigmatizing climate was experienced in the left-wing parties, especially in the Socialist Party (French: Parti Socialiste (PS)) who governed the country. In 1983, the Socialist Prime Minister of France Pierre Mauroy, the Minister of the Interior Gaston Defferre, and the Minister of Labour Jean Auroux said about the strikers of the CGT’s syndicate from the factory of Renault-Billancourt, that they are mainly “immigrants workers”, and accused them of being manipulated by “integrists”. Prime Minister Pierre Mauroy also declared that the strikers from Renault “are agitated by religious and political group which behave according to criteria that have nothing to do with the French social reality”. The Franco-Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad wrote that “we underestimate how much immigrants workers suffered from the tense atmosphere in work and which painfully affected them”.

The first march began in the district of La Cayolle in Marseille, October 15, 1983. Only seventeen persons started the march (nine from Les Minguettes) in a virtual indifference. During the march, more and more marchers joined them. Arriving in the city of Salon-de-Provence, one single person welcomed the marchers, but when arriving in Lyon and Vénissieux during the 15th day (October 29), a thousand of people welcomed the group. At Grenoble, October 31, 1983, 32 persons constituted the permanent marchers’ group. The 36th day in Strasbourg, they are joined for one day by the Secretary of State delegated to family, to population and immigrants workers issues. The movement was growing more and more. When finally arriving in Paris, the march lasted exactly 50 days, and permanent marchers marched 1500 km. On December 3, 1983, the march ended with a demonstration in Paris, attended by more than 100,000 people. A delegation was received by the President of the French Republic François Mitterrand. Mitterrand promised a residence and working permit valid for 10 years, a law against racist crimes and a project concerning voting right for foreigners for local elections. This last point, which was already a proposition of Mitterrand’s during the presidential election, never came true.

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posted il y a 7 mois

La Gueuse - Yvonneck

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Les Camelots du roi used to be the action force of the far right league l’Action Française and created an important repertoire of songs, such as La Gueuse (their nickname for the 3rd Republic)

The song curses the upholders of democracy such as Jews (“youpins” being a pejorative term), free-massons, foreigners. The deputies Jaurès or Briand… are promised the same end as the Republic. After killing the hated Republic, the Camelots are invited to restore the monarchy. 

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posted il y a 1 an

Le traître : Dégradation d’Alfred Dreyfus, dégradation dans la Cour Morlan de l’École militaire à Paris.
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In 1894, the French Army’s counter-intelligence section, led by Lt. Col. Jean Conrad Sandherr, became aware that new artillery information was being passed to the German embassy in Paris by a highly placed spy likely to be posted in the French General Staff. Suspicion quickly fell upon Captain Alfred Dreyfus, who was arrested for treason on 15 October 1894. On 5 January 1895, Dreyfus was summarily convicted in a secret court martial, publicly stripped of his army rank, and sentenced to life imprisonment in a penal colony on Devil’s Island in French Guiana.

Le traître : Dégradation d’Alfred Dreyfus, dégradation dans la Cour Morlan de l’École militaire à Paris.

@credits

In 1894, the French Army’s counter-intelligence section, led by Lt. Col. Jean Conrad Sandherr, became aware that new artillery information was being passed to the German embassy in Paris by a highly placed spy likely to be posted in the French General Staff. Suspicion quickly fell upon Captain Alfred Dreyfus, who was arrested for treason on 15 October 1894. On 5 January 1895, Dreyfus was summarily convicted in a secret court martial, publicly stripped of his army rank, and sentenced to life imprisonment in a penal colony on Devil’s Island in French Guiana.

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posted il y a 1 an

L’arrivée de Harkis à Ongles le 6 septembre 1962, © Collection Hélène Durand
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Harki (adjective from the Arabic harka, standard Arabic haraka حركة, “war party” or “movement”, i.e., a group of volunteers, especially soldiers) is the generic term for Muslim Algerians loyalists who served as auxiliaries in the French Army during the Algerian War from 1954 to 1962. The phrase sometimes extends to cover all Algerian Muslims who supported the French presence in Algeria during this war. In France, the term is used to designate the Franco-musulmans rapatriés (“repatriated French Muslims”) community living in the country since 1962, and its metropolitan born descendants.
In 1962, orders were initially given by the French government of Charles de Gaulle to officials and army officers to prevent the Harkis from following the example of the Pieds-Noirs and seeking refuge in Metropolitan France. About 91,000 Harkis (including family members) were able to find refuge in France. As feared, there were widespread reprisals against those who remained in Algeria. The French government of the time, concerned mainly with disengagement from Algeria and the repatriation of the Pieds-Noirs, disregarded or downplayed news of these killings. Nothing had been planned for the Harkis, and the government refused to formally recognize their right to stay in France for some years. They were kept out of sight in “temporary” internment camps surrounded by barbed wire, such as the Joffre Camp in Rivesaltes (outside of Perpignan) and in "chantiers de forestage"—communities of 30 Harki families on the outskirts of forests that the men maintained

L’arrivée de Harkis à Ongles le 6 septembre 1962, © Collection Hélène Durand

@credits

Harki (adjective from the Arabic harka, standard Arabic haraka حركة, “war party” or “movement”, i.e., a group of volunteers, especially soldiers) is the generic term for Muslim Algerians loyalists who served as auxiliaries in the French Army during the Algerian War from 1954 to 1962. The phrase sometimes extends to cover all Algerian Muslims who supported the French presence in Algeria during this war. In France, the term is used to designate the Franco-musulmans rapatriés (“repatriated French Muslims”) community living in the country since 1962, and its metropolitan born descendants.

In 1962, orders were initially given by the French government of Charles de Gaulle to officials and army officers to prevent the Harkis from following the example of the Pieds-Noirs and seeking refuge in Metropolitan France. About 91,000 Harkis (including family members) were able to find refuge in France. As feared, there were widespread reprisals against those who remained in Algeria. The French government of the time, concerned mainly with disengagement from Algeria and the repatriation of the Pieds-Noirs, disregarded or downplayed news of these killings. Nothing had been planned for the Harkis, and the government refused to formally recognize their right to stay in France for some years. They were kept out of sight in “temporary” internment camps surrounded by barbed wire, such as the Joffre Camp in Rivesaltes (outside of Perpignan) and in "chantiers de forestage"—communities of 30 Harki families on the outskirts of forests that the men maintained

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posted il y a 1 an

1941 Le Juif et la France

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Le Juif et la France (Jew and France) was a racist and antisemit exhibition held between the 5th of September 1941 and the 15th of January 1942 by the Institut d’études des questions juives (the Jewish questions study institute). It was meant to be “scientifical”, and was based on the book of an anthropology teacher of Paris : “How to recognise a Jew”

The exhibition was about the supposed corruption of the society by the Jews in key sectors (corruption of the army, the economy, the traditions…).

Around 200 000 persons visited the exhibition.

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posted il y a 1 an

Exposition d’Angers / village noir / Sénégal, Soudan, Congo / 90 indigènes
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Exposition d’Angers / village noir / Sénégal, Soudan, Congo / 90 indigènes

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posted il y a 2 ans

Chocolat danse dans le "Irish and American Bar", 1896
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Orphan, Rafal Padilla, born in Cuba in 1868, was sold to serve a rich Portuguese and brought to Europe. After escaping to Spain,  he was discovered by the clown Tony Grice in Bilbao, who made him his partner. Padilla gained the nickname of ‘Chocolat’.
He then teamed up with the clown Footit in 1886, in Paris, where they became famous with their show, with Footit as an authoritarian clown who would correct Chocolat for his mistakes. It seems that the French expression “Je suis chocolat” (I’m chocolate”) meaning “I’m fooled” comes from his character.
His success was at its highest in 1905, when they produced at the Folies Bergères. But in 1910 the team split up, and Padilla didn’t manage to find a job as an actor, despite his qualities. He died in poverty in 1917.

Chocolat danse dans le "Irish and American Bar", 1896

@credits

Orphan, Rafal Padilla, born in Cuba in 1868, was sold to serve a rich Portuguese and brought to Europe. After escaping to Spain,  he was discovered by the clown Tony Grice in Bilbao, who made him his partner. Padilla gained the nickname of ‘Chocolat’.

He then teamed up with the clown Footit in 1886, in Paris, where they became famous with their show, with Footit as an authoritarian clown who would correct Chocolat for his mistakes. It seems that the French expression “Je suis chocolat” (I’m chocolate”) meaning “I’m fooled” comes from his character.

His success was at its highest in 1905, when they produced at the Folies Bergères. But in 1910 the team split up, and Padilla didn’t manage to find a job as an actor, despite his qualities. He died in poverty in 1917.

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posted il y a 2 ans

Scène de la vie quotidienne dans un village d’Afrique centrale. André HERVIAULT© Photo RMN - J.-G. Berizzi - Droits réservés
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The Paris Colonial Exhibition (or “Exposition coloniale internationale”, International Colonial Exhibition) was a six-month colonial exhibition held in Paris, France in 1931 that attempted to display the diverse cultures and immense resources of France’s colonial possessions.
The Togo and Cameroun section of the exhibition included the reproduction of a chief’s hut and two pavilions displaying arts and artefacts about tourism, hunting, teaching and the French social policies in these colonies. In this painting, exhibited on one of the pavilion, Herviault represented the ‘primitive’ life of the autochtones, busy with traditionnal activities. He approached the scene with an ethnographical point of view, which differed from the basic colonial propaganda : he was interested in depicting the cultural aspects of the local culture, and not so much in promoting the ressources or the luxury of the land. But he still subscribed to the colonialist theories of France bringing civilisation to its colonies.

Scène de la vie quotidienne dans un village d’Afrique centrale.
André HERVIAULT

© Photo RMN - J.-G. Berizzi - Droits réservés

@credits

The Paris Colonial Exhibition (or “Exposition coloniale internationale”, International Colonial Exhibition) was a six-month colonial exhibition held in Paris, France in 1931 that attempted to display the diverse cultures and immense resources of France’s colonial possessions.

The Togo and Cameroun section of the exhibition included the reproduction of a chief’s hut and two pavilions displaying arts and artefacts about tourism, hunting, teaching and the French social policies in these colonies. In this painting, exhibited on one of the pavilion, Herviault represented the ‘primitive’ life of the autochtones, busy with traditionnal activities. He approached the scene with an ethnographical point of view, which differed from the basic colonial propaganda : he was interested in depicting the cultural aspects of the local culture, and not so much in promoting the ressources or the luxury of the land. But he still subscribed to the colonialist theories of France bringing civilisation to its colonies.

16 notes
posted il y a 2 ans

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