Nuit du 4 août, haut-relief en bronze de Léopold Morice, Monument à la République, Place de la République, Paris, 1883

During the night of the 4th of August 1789, the deputies of the Assemblée Constituante put an end to privilèges and feodalism.
After the storm of the Bastille, a “Great Fear” spread in the country. Farmers feared the reaction of the nobility and rumors of nobles hiding crops and getting ready to attack appeared. In many regions, farmers armed themselves and attacked nobles, to their belongings, or to their archives (burning the archives meant nobles couldn’t prove their claim on their lands anymore and couldn’t impose taxes on the population).
The situation worried the deputies in Versailles. As a response, during the night of the 4th of August, some deputies (the comte d’Aiguillon, the vicomte de Noailles for example) proposed the supression of feodal rights and more generally of the privilèges.
At that time, privilège was synonym of liberty. Privilège meant ‘special law’ (like being able to create a milicia or pay less taxes). Each province had privilèges, many towns did as well - it didn’t only concern the nobility and the clergy, who were exempted from paying taxes. The whole system of privilège disappeared that night
The feodal rights didn’t fully followed. Some were suppressed like the tithe or the corvée. But taxes like the champart or the cens were kept, and farmers had to offer a compensation to be exempted.

Nuit du 4 août, haut-relief en bronze de Léopold Morice, Monument à la République, Place de la République, Paris, 1883

During the night of the 4th of August 1789, the deputies of the Assemblée Constituante put an end to privilèges and feodalism.

After the storm of the Bastille, a “Great Fear” spread in the country. Farmers feared the reaction of the nobility and rumors of nobles hiding crops and getting ready to attack appeared. In many regions, farmers armed themselves and attacked nobles, to their belongings, or to their archives (burning the archives meant nobles couldn’t prove their claim on their lands anymore and couldn’t impose taxes on the population).

The situation worried the deputies in Versailles. As a response, during the night of the 4th of August, some deputies (the comte d’Aiguillon, the vicomte de Noailles for example) proposed the supression of feodal rights and more generally of the privilèges.

At that time, privilège was synonym of liberty. Privilège meant ‘special law’ (like being able to create a milicia or pay less taxes). Each province had privilèges, many towns did as well - it didn’t only concern the nobility and the clergy, who were exempted from paying taxes. The whole system of privilège disappeared that night

The feodal rights didn’t fully followed. Some were suppressed like the tithe or the corvée. But taxes like the champart or the cens were kept, and farmers had to offer a compensation to be exempted.

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Sac à procès/ Trial bags
© Archives départementales des Alpes-Maritimes

These bags were used by lawyers during the Ancien Régime to gather the papers concerning the procedure they took care of and were identified by a label sewn on them. They usually were made of hemp, commonly cultivated at that time. The expressions “L’affaire est dans le sac”  (it’s in the bag ) or “avoir plus d’un tour dans son sac” (to have have more than one trick up your sleeve ) come from the use of  such bags.

Sac à procès/ Trial bags

© Archives départementales des Alpes-Maritimes

These bags were used by lawyers during the Ancien Régime to gather the papers concerning the procedure they took care of and were identified by a label sewn on them. They usually were made of hemp, commonly cultivated at that time. The expressions “L’affaire est dans le sac”  (it’s in the bag ) or “avoir plus d’un tour dans son sac” (to have have more than one trick up your sleeve ) come from the use of  such bags.

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French newspaper on the 2nd of August 1914, after the mobilisation (original article here)

L’Action Française

«Nous ne serons pas seuls comme en 1870. L’agression est certaine. Nous nous ruons à la défense de nos champs, de nos foyers, de nos libertés, de notre rang dans le monde et de notre honneur, au secours de nos frères de Metz et Strasbourg ployés depuis quarante-trois interminables années sous le joug du plus lourd et du plus arrogant des vainqueurs. Le champion d’une civilisation sans rivale est en armes. Il saura disputer l’univers à la barbarie.»

L’Aurore

«Le sort en est jeté. La France pacifique n’a pas pu maintenir la paix. […] Il y a entre l’Allemagne et nous un monstrueux différend qui surgit aujourd’hui formidable : l’Alsace-Lorraine ! Nos frères opprimés, séparés de nous depuis 1870. Voulons-nous les revoir ? Voulons-nous leur rendre la liberté ? Les ramener au sein de la grande famille française ? Alors ne discutons plus. Ne cherchons plus qui a la responsabilité du conflit. La guerre est déchainée ; ce n’est pas de notre faute ; notre conscience est libérée. “Pour l’Alsace-Lorraine !” voilà notre mot de passe et pour la France. N’ayons plus d’autre pensée que la lutte acharnée qui commence. Plus tard nous nous retrouverons.»

L’Humanité

«Ils nous le tuent à l’heure terrible où plus que jamais, la France avait besoin de lui», écrit le député socialiste Marcel Sembat, qui deviendra ministre des Travaux publics.

«Jaurès meurt, et la mobilisation est décrétée ! Jaurès s’en va; la guerre arrive. Il aurait refusé de croire que la guerre fût inévitable, même après la mobilisation décrétée ; et notre devoir est de continuer sa tâche en nous entêtant furieusement à lutter pour la paix.[…] Ce coup de pistolet-là, il frappe à la tête, il frappe au cœur, il frappe le Parti, il frappe la République : mais surtout il frappe la France. On s’en aperçoit déjà ! On en convient déjà, parce qu’il est mort. Mais j’ai bien peur que bientôt on n’ait lieu de s’en apercevoir davantage. Pour nous, aux heures difficiles, voici notre recette : nous nous demanderons : “Qu’en penserait Jaurès ?”»

L’Écho de Paris

«Tout le monde se prépare avec un calme remarquable à faire son devoir. Ce calme il est tracé pour tous ceux qui sont des jeunes hommes, pour tous ceux qui sont dans la pleine force de l’âge. Mais les vieux qu’en fait-on?, questionne Frédéric Masson, de l’Académie française.

«Quoi ! Dans la tempête où se trouve lancé le vaisseau qui les porte, ils n’ont qu’à se croiser les bras, et comme les chœurs des tragédies antiques, à lancer des malédictions et des prières ? S’ils ne peuvent pas à soixante ans passés porter le sac et manier le fusil, fournir des étapes, monter sous le ciel des gardes de nuits, sont-ils à ce point cacochymes qu’ils ne soient bons à aucun travail de magasins, de bureaux, de surveillance ? N’est-il aucun poste où ils puissent remplacer quelques jeunes gens qui feraient les soldats ?»

Le Petit Parisien

Reportage à la gare du Nord. «En raison de l’énorme affluence, beaucoup de ces trains [pour les mobilisés] subirent des retards. Dans leur patriotique impatience, les jeunes voyageurs priaient les chefs de convois de ne pas les laisser se morfondre plus longtemps dans les wagons […]. A partir de six heures, des manifestations grandioses se succédèrent sans interruption, aux environs de ces mêmes gares, rappelant les débuts de l’épopée révolutionnaire, alors que, de même qu’aujourd’hui, la patrie était en danger.»

Confidentiel. «L’Allemagne a mobilisé à notre frontière» : «D’informations dignes de foi parvenues à Paris il résulte que l’état de “menace de guerre”, proclamé vendredi en Allemagne, a permis au gouvernement impérial de mobiliser en secret.»

Le Figaro

«Cette guerre, la France ne l’a pas voulue. […] Nos soldats partent et ils partent gaiement. Ils ont l’air de savoir où ils vont ; ils le savent. Rien n’était plus réconfortant que de parcourir les boulevards hier au soir. On y respirait je ne sais quelle atmosphère vibrante d’émotion et d’allégresse. C’est que ce peuple est fort non seulement de son enthousiasme mais aussi de son droit.[…] L’Allemagne se bat pour prendre la Champagne et la France pour reprendre l’Alsace-Lorraine. Et c’est parce qu’ils le savent bien qu’hier au soir nos petits soldats partaient en chantant pour la frontière.»

La Croix

«Il semble bien que tout est consommé et que la guerre est devenue inévitable», écrit le père Georges Bertoye, sous sa signature «Franc». «Le gouvernement cependant assure, et les hommes informés disent que nos troupes de couverture sont en état de recevoir le choc de l’adversaire. Les menées allemandes, sourdes et hypocrites, apparaissent aujourd’hui au grand jour. L’histoire y verra clair.»

L’écho d’Alger

«Hier soir, vers neuf heures, une des nombreuses manifestations spontanées qui ont pris naissance devant le square s’est formée en colonne serrée, après avoir applaudi les hymnes patriotiques que venait de jouer la musique, aux cris de : “Au consulat d’Allemagne, rue Michelet”, suivis de ceux de “A bas l’Allemagne !” entonnés en refrain continu sur l’air des “lampions”.»

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posted il y a 2 semaines

r-stern:

kisu-no-hi:

Okay why the hell do people think French people are like 100% “sexually liberated” and have orgy every weekend?

Where the hell does this stereotype come from?

It comes mainly from the manners of the Parisian elites during the 18th century onward, it was somehow reflected in novels such as The Dangerous Liaisons by Choderlos de Laclos and other libertine novels.

This stereotype became really widespread at the Belle-Epoque: Parisians weren’t extremely sexually active but there wasn’t really any separation of gender in public spaces. Women and men could hang, and even gently flirt, together even if not married or related, something that was more frowned upon in more puritan countries like Britain or Germany. Because of this, foreign visitors - as Sigmund Freud, he spoke a lot about this in his letters -  often had this impression that Parisians were sexually promiscuous. Add the fact that both prostitution and homosexuality were allowed in France, resulting in famous underground business and counter-cultures, and you got this reputation.

And since both Foreigners and Parisians have a really hard time to remember that France isn’t Paris… We all got this image of perverts, even if there is a lot of conservatism about sex in France (see the anti-gay marriage demonstration last year). Even more, these stereotypes mainly came from how relationships between men and women were perceived. In fact, even in Paris, until the 60-70’ties, young girls weren’t allowed to go out unsupervised and both children born out of marriage and their mothers were rejected and vilified. Not a lot of differences with our neighbours…

And stereotypes last: before the D-Day, American officers thought that it was a good idea to motivate their soldiers using this stereotypes about our so-called “sexual promiscuity”.

[France is] a tremendous brothel inhabited by 40 million hedonists who spent all their time eating, drinking, making love and in general having a hell of a good time." - Life Magazine.

It resulted in more than 3,500 rapes… How women accused of having sleep with German military were treated after the Libération also speak a lot about how the French perceived sexual liberty back then…

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posted il y a 2 semaines (® kisu-no-hi)
Blason des communes, départements et régions de France
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posted il y a 1 mois
  1. We’re less than a month away from the Women rugby world cup and our team kicks ass
  2. I own a ridiculous German hat that I love more than anything.
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art-history:


Henri Cartier-BressonFrench, 1908-2004
Midnight On a New York Subway, Bound for Harlem, 1956

art-history:

Henri Cartier-Bresson
French, 1908-2004

Midnight On a New York Subway, Bound for Harlem, 1956

10 985 notes
posted il y a 1 mois (® mpdrolet)
geisterseher:

'Louis le Traître lis ta Sentence' . Louis the Traitor, read your sentence: an arm holding a quill pen emerges through a wall on which it writes. 1793 Etching and aquatint (manière de lavis)

geisterseher:

'Louis le Traître lis ta Sentence' . Louis the Traitor, read your sentence: an arm holding a quill pen emerges through a wall on which it writes. 1793
Etching and aquatint (manière de lavis)

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posted il y a 1 mois (® geisterseher)

Anna Langfus

Anna Langfus (born Anna-Regina Szternfinkiel in Lublin on January 2, 1920; died May 12, 1966 in Paris) was an award-winning Polish/French author. She was also a concentration camp survivor. She won the Prix Goncourt in 1962 for Les bagages de sable (translated as “The Lost Shore”), which concerns a concentration camp survivor.

Anna Langfus

Anna Langfus (born Anna-Regina Szternfinkiel in Lublin on January 2, 1920; died May 12, 1966 in Paris) was an award-winning Polish/French author. She was also a concentration camp survivor. She won the Prix Goncourt in 1962 for Les bagages de sable (translated as “The Lost Shore”), which concerns a concentration camp survivor.

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posted il y a 1 mois

Guyane, carte de Guyane, XVIIIe siècle 

The French tried to create a colony in French Guiana in the 18th century in conjunction with its settlement of some other Caribbean islands.

Guyane, carte de Guyane, XVIIIe siècle

The French tried to create a colony in French Guiana in the 18th century in conjunction with its settlement of some other Caribbean islands.

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posted il y a 1 mois

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